September 21, 2026; This field report, based on the narratives of 10 women across the provinces of Kurdistan, West Azerbaijan, Kermanshah, Ilam, Tehran, as well as two northern and central provinces, indicates that society has undergone an irreversible intellectual metamorphosis through the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement. The arena of struggle and resistance has shifted from the streets to daily life, the family institution, and capillary resistance. Conversely, the escalation of overt repression, the wave of executions, and the regime's exploitation of wartime conditions do not stem from authority or societal acceptance, but rather result from a political deadlock and an inability to subdue or control society—a dynamic that, alongside crushing poverty and hyperinflation, has placed society in a "phase of survival and exhaustion." However, this has not pushed back demands for freedom and justice, but has instead generated accumulated rage.

In their view, overcoming this exhaustion and channeling this rage toward sustainable change requires mutual understanding and joint accountability both inside and outside the country. The responsibility of those inside lies in sustaining daily resistance, raising awareness, organizing within secure cells, and linking livelihood demands with women's rights. In contrast, activists abroad are expected to avoid paternalism and remote management, fulfilling their responsibility by accurately reflecting the unfiltered voice of those inside, pursuing human rights advocacy in international forums, and strengthening civil solidarity.

This field report was compiled based on a qualitative questionnaire administered to 10 women (ranging from veteran civil activists, former political prisoners, and journalists, to newly active women, homemakers, and injured movement participants) across the provinces of Kurdistan, West Azerbaijan, Kermanshah, Ilam, Tehran, and two northern and central provinces between September 15 and September 24, 2026. It is structured into 5 sections: Social and Intellectual Metamorphosis, Daily Struggle, Continued Repression and Political Deadlock, Survival Phase, and Mutual Responsibilities. The full interviews will be published individually by Kurdpa following this report.

Section 1:

Intellectual and Social Metamorphosis: Deep, Layered, and Irreversible Changes

This section presents a deep analysis of intellectual achievements, shifts in public awareness, changes within family dynamics and gender relations, women's social presence and everyday attire, and ultimately the sustainability of the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement's legacy after four years. The core message synthesized from these 10 women shows that although the regime has managed to clear the streets of large demonstrations through overt violence, it has failed completely to revert society's mindset, attire, lifestyle, and awareness to pre-2022 (1401) conditions. A profound metamorphosis has occurred in which women have transitioned from "accepting discrimination" to "demanding rights"—an evolution of consciousness that stands as a living, structural, and irreversible legacy.

1. Shifting Conceptual Boundaries and Re-defining "Rights" (Perspectives of Veteran Activists and Researchers)

Veteran activists with years of experience in civil, political, and human rights advocacy—who have borne costs including summonses, arrests, and imprisonment—analyze the changes of the past four years not as a passing emotional wave, but as a "profound social metamorphosis" and a structural shift in women's agency:

● Transformation in Mindset and Connection to Identity in Kurdistan (Sanandaj): A veteran teacher and civil activist in Sanandaj, long active in women's rights and teacher unions with a history of repeated arrests, views the shift in societal mindset as the movement's greatest achievement: "In my view, the single greatest change over these four years is the shift in society's mindset. The regime managed to clear the streets of mass protests through widespread repression, arrests, imprisonment, and executions, but it could not push society back to pre-2022 conditions. Especially among women and the youth, former boundaries have shifted. Resistance against the mandatory hijab and control over women's bodies is no longer just a political protest; it has become woven into everyday life."
She also emphasizes the movement's connection to Kurdish identity and history: "In Kurdistan, these transformations are intertwined with identity, language, and historical discrimination. 'Woman, Life, Freedom' was not merely a slogan for Kurdish society; it was a condensed expression of the demand for freedom, equality, human dignity, and the right to social and cultural self-determination... In reality, a fundamental social metamorphosis has taken place."

● Transforming "Needs" into "Rights" and Altering the Language of Power (Sanandaj): A researcher and veteran women's rights activist in Sanandaj explains the shift from a feminist and legal framework: "The most significant change is the shifting of boundaries regarding what is possible in women's lives. This movement... served as a redefinition of women's relationship with their bodies, identity, freedom, and citizenship. Previously, many of women's demands were framed as gradual reforms within existing structures. Following this movement, however, a critical segment of women—especially the younger generation—view themselves as rightful owners of rights rather than mere recipients of privileges or concessions. From a feminist perspective, this shift is vital, as feminism fundamentally concerns the transformation of 'needs' into 'rights' and transforming the 'subject of governance' into a 'subject of rights.'"
She notes that societal discourse precedes structural shifts: "Concepts like gender discrimination, violence against women, bodily autonomy, sexual harassment, honor killings, family inequality, and freedom of clothing choice... have entered daily public conversation. In feminist terms, the language of power has changed—and changing language is often the precursor to changing power dynamics."

● The Living Legacy of the Movement Amid Exhaustion and Despair (Urmia): A veteran political and civil activist in Urmia with a history of imprisonment offers an honest account of coexisting "profound fatigue" alongside "victory within collective memory": "I see society as both transformed and far more exhausted and hopeless... To be honest, today I feel exhaustion and despair more than victory. The price paid by women, youth, and civil activists was extraordinarily heavy... Nevertheless, I believe the legacy of a movement is not measured solely by political victory. The legacy of 'Woman, Life, Freedom' lives on today in women's memory, in mothers' relationships with their daughters, in small daily acts of resistance, in continued civil activism, in art and literature, and in women's refusal to return fully to the past."

● Intersectionality and the Center-Periphery Divide (Woman Resident in a Northern Iranian Province): This civil and political activist points to the multi-layered complexity of Iran's social structure and varying regional priorities: "If we view the movement's largest and most visible outcome through the lens of 'hijab' and 'freedom of choice in clothing,' even this achievement has not been uniform due to cultural variations rooted in a complex social structure. It is not even the top priority for all women across this political geography; for instance, women in Kurdistan or Baluchistan are far more concerned with the plunder of their land's economic resources, and this structural oppression places them in far harsher and more complex circumstances than more privileged regions of Iran."
She nevertheless underscores significant male solidarity and shifting attitudes within judicial institutions: "During the uprising and in its aftermath across Iran, we witnessed remarkable solidarity from men toward women... Even at the institutional level, such as within the judiciary and among family court judges, to the extent that judges have discretion to interpret the law, cases are increasingly leaning in favor of women compared to the past."

2. Concrete Experience of Freedom, Personal Autonomy, and Shattering Fear (Narratives of New-Generation Women and Diverse Strata)

Alongside veteran activists, women who entered activism after September 2022 or engaged in acts of civil disobedience in their personal lives recount changes in daily relations, public spaces, financial independence, and the breaking of historical fears:

● Independent Living and Heightened Awareness of Young Women in the Capital (Tehran): A young Kurdish woman living independently in Tehran who became active post-2022 reflects on women's heightened awareness and pragmatic lifestyles: "Although legal and political frameworks have not fundamentally changed, society—and specifically how many women view freedom of choice—has shifted. Iranian women are not necessarily freer in a legal sense, but they are far more conscious. This is a crucial distinction, because while a regime can suppress street protests, reverting society to a pre-'Woman, Life, Freedom' mindset is vastly more difficult. As a young woman living independently in Tehran... I see clear shifts in dress, freedom of choice, financial independence, living alone, lifestyle, marriage, and work."

● Visibility of Women and Breaking Traditional Limits in Small Towns (Javanrud and Baneh):
A woman from Javanrud who became active after the uprising highlights the solidification of women's social standing: "The 'Woman, Life, Freedom' revolution brought a movement to Iran that elevated the role of women in society and the family to a level where women are seen and can better claim their rights... Nothing will go backward; we are witnessing further growth because our women are no longer uninformed."
A young woman from Baneh who grew active post-2022 describes opening social spaces in a border town: "Four years ago in Baneh, female drivers were rare, and there were no female taxi drivers at all. But today, society's eyes have opened, and people recognize that women can enter every field... Four years ago, during the initial protests for Zhina, only a handful of us—about 10 women—took to the streets. Today, young women no longer wait for family permission; they take agency over their own lives."

● Asserting Existence and Countering Patriarchy Within the Family (Ilam): A married homemaker with higher education in Ilam describes the struggle extending beyond the regime to traditional society: "Many women are no longer willing to accept conditions as they were, from intellectual evolution to clothing choices and everyday life. These changes are blatantly clear, and I believe this shift in mindset cannot easily be reversed... Women's struggle is not solely against the state; a vital part of it is against misogynistic men and outdated mindsets. I view this as an existential fight for women... I belong to a mountaineering group where initially only four women participated alongside a male majority. Today, women make up two-thirds of the group—this is precisely the turning point for us."

● Reclaiming the Streets and the Collapse of Morality Police Intimidation (Kermanshah, Urmia, Central Province):
An injured protester from Kermanshah writes: "The number of women navigating streets with optional hijab has grown, effectively taking back control of public space. Mandatory hijab remains the legal norm in Iran, yet despite the risks, women actively choose to appear freely in public."
A civil and women's rights activist in Urmia contrasts the shifting threshold of fear: "In years prior, a woman walking down the street lived with constant anxiety... witnessing agents dragging girls by their hair onto the pavement. Today, that pervasive fear that once hovered over women in public spaces has largely broken. The state may alter its enforcement tactics, but it cannot undo the transformation etched into society's mind and behavior."
A journalist in a central province highlights social acceptance: "Freedom of dress has gradually gained acceptance within families, even traditional ones. In other words, choice in attire has gained social acceptance informally through practice, if not legally."

3. Challenges, Contradictions, and Patriarchy's Resistance

Despite major social advances, respondents highlighted ongoing challenges and severe contradictions:

● Discrepancy Between Social Norms and Official Laws: Social gains in daily life lack legal protections, leaving women exposed to legal, employment, and judicial liabilities.

● Escalation of Domestic Violence and Femicide: Alongside women's growing agency, traditional patriarchal structures have reacted with heightened violence. An activist in a northern province noted a rise in femicide fueled by lack of deterrent laws, discriminatory inheritance and blood-money statutes, and social hurdles around divorce.

● Uneven Cultural and Intellectual Evolution: In smaller towns and conservative households, pressure on young women remains heavy, with familial control and marginalization persisting.

Section 2:

Dissecting the Struggle: Shifting the Trench from the Street to Capillary, Everyday, and Infrastructural Resistance

This section examines how the arena of struggle transitioned following the elevated costs of open street protests. The findings demonstrate that the movement has not been extinguished; rather, it has relocated its stronghold from street confrontations to "capillary and infrastructural resistance" across society—spanning the family institution, civil, educational, and virtual spaces, to underground art. This reveals a nuance in perspective between veteran activists (who emphasize institutional restructuring and creating sustainable foundations) and newly active women (who champion daily audacity and reclaiming public spaces). The unified synthesis from these 10 women underscores that the struggle has entered a phase of "profound resilience, capillary resistance, and internal organizational rebuilding"—a struggle that crucially requires "building enduring infrastructure, fostering trust, intergenerational connectivity, and small yet secure networks" over generic slogans for its next steps.

1. The Evolving Form of Struggle: From Reclaiming Streets to Daily Disobedience

All respondents unanimously agree that stepping back from street demonstrations does not signal an end to the struggle or complete silence; rather, resistance has become embedded in everyday life:

● Insistence on Free Presence and Reclaiming Public Spaces (Kermanshah, Ilam, Tehran):
An injured protester in Kermanshah views women's persistence in public spaces as a continuous, active stance: "Women's struggle has shifted toward persistently appearing freely in society. Despite all pressures and constraints, they stand firm. Over the past 4 years, this mode of resistance has never hit a standstill—even under the country's most critical conditions when state repression reached its peak, women never ceased their free presence in the streets to reclaim their violated rights."
A highly educated homemaker in Ilam calls the effort an "existential struggle" that has reshaped even traditional societal structures: "I believe we are at the beginning of the road and the fight continues... Women's struggle is not solely against the regime; a crucial part of it is against misogynistic men and their outdated beliefs. I view this as an existential fight for women that will solidify their position over time. For example, I belong to a mountaineering group where initially only four women participated alongside a male majority. Today, women make up roughly two-thirds of the group—this is precisely the turning point for us."
A young woman in Tehran who became active post-2022 describes the ongoing disobedience: "While women's resistance has evolved compared to a few years ago, its primary goal remains intact. Mass street protests marked the start of the 'Woman, Life, Freedom' movement before facing severe repression, but resistance has persisted in more decentralized, daily forms. Despite ongoing mandatory hijab laws, women's civil disobedience and insistence on dress autonomy remain unwavering."

2. Veteran Activists' Analysis: Reorganization, Regrouping, and Building Sustainable Infrastructure

Veteran activists with histories of imprisonment, repeated summonses, and long-term structural work analyze the current state not as stagnation, but as a phase of "respiration, reorganization, and internal organizational capacity-building":

● The Imperative for New Infrastructure and Regrouping in Kurdistan (Sanandaj):
A researcher and veteran women's activist in Sanandaj analyzes the movement's dynamic nature through its structural forms: "Like standard frameworks governing civil movements, the movement is currently in a phase of calm, recovery, and internal strengthening. During this period, there is an urgent need to build new infrastructure and strategies to foster solidarity and channel intergenerational energy. Women and civil activists do not preserve the legacy of 'Woman, Life, Freedom' merely by repeating slogans, but by turning it into daily practice. Continuing education for women and girls, documenting violence, supporting victims, cultural and artistic work, networking among women, civic rights education, youth initiatives, and creating safe spaces for dialogue are all active forms of the movement's continuity."
A veteran teacher and civil activist in Sanandaj highlights the multifaceted nature of this capillary resistance: "I do not view women's struggle as finished; rather, its structure has shifted. In 2022, the street was the primary arena, but due to rising costs of state violence, resistance has shifted to more decentralized, everyday practices. Women's refusal of mandatory hijab, cultural and civil initiatives, supporting seeking-justice families, fighting femicide and gender violence, and labor union activity represent this continuation... To move forward, the movement above all requires trust-building, networking, intergenerational bridges, and connecting women's rights with workers, teachers, students, and seeking-justice families."

● A Realistic Assessment: Reorganization Amid Exhaustion (Urmia and Northern Province):
A veteran political and civil activist in Urmia views the current period as vital for survival: "I do not see women's struggle today as finished, nor as dynamic in its previous form... I evaluate today's status as a period of reorganization and exhaustion rather than absolute silence. Women have not backed down, but one cannot expect the same level of energy and mobilization seen in the movement's initial years... Slogans and emotional solidarity alone cannot sustain this path. Women require resources, security, education, reliable communication, legal and psychological support, and above all, networks capable of enduring crises. The goal is not merely creating a new wave, but building lasting social infrastructure for resistance and life."
A civil and political activist in a northern province emphasizes the pivotal roles of the "family institution" and "underground art" as new resistance tools: "Struggle no longer means solely participating in political parties, organizations, or public street activism... Refusing the mandatory hijab, asserting clothing choice, or engaging in professional creative acts like producing unauthorized (underground) film or music have maintained the movement's continuity... Women's most vital vehicle for change is the family institution itself. In other words, resistance against the system originates within the family unit... A woman can reshape her family's culture and mindset—though a contradiction exists here, as the family can also present the greatest obstacle."

●  Transition to Digital Spaces and Long-Term Education:
A Kurdish journalist residing in a central province stresses: "Today, a major portion of the movement's activities occurs online. Amid intense repression, groups currently avoid street demonstrations... Long-term education, cultural development, and structured organizing are essential—particularly by connecting internal networks with groups abroad, ensuring these demands become deeply rooted across all societal strata."

3. Narratives of New-Generation Women: Everyday Courage and Reclaiming New Spaces

Women who entered the public sphere and activism after September 2022 view the movement as active and vibrant, pointing to tangible gains in smaller cities:

● Standing Firm and Instilling Fear in Power Structures in Kurdistan (Javanrud and Baneh):
A woman from Javanrud asserts the living spirit of resistance: "Resistance in Iran today remains alive. We see every day how women stand up against oppression. Repression and fear exist, but we remain committed to our movement... I do not see this movement fading; even amid an intensely militarized environment, it has struck fear into the state apparatus. They know there is no going back, though this path unequivocally demands greater networking and organizing."
A young woman in Baneh points to shifting trenches toward associations, digital platforms, and education: "Women today are ready to demand their rights and understand their entitlements. In my view, women's activism online has generated greater impact than street presence alone. The movement now thrives within local associations, digital outreach, and cultural education, and society urgently needs structured organizing and strong groups."

4. Obstacles and Limitations: From Escalating Costs to Repressive Structures

Regarding obstacles and limitations, respondents highlighted several critical challenges:

● High Risks of Open Networking Internally: The northern province activist explicitly notes that totalitarian surveillance and repression have reduced opportunities for traditional, large-scale internal networking nearly to zero, making risks far outweigh benefits; thus, resistance must adapt through single or micro-cell structures.

● Absence of Safe Spaces and Fragmented Forces: The Sanandaj union activist notes that civil figures must constantly make difficult choices between continuing civic work and preserving personal and family safety.

● Crushing Economic Strain and Political Repression: Activists in Urmia and Sanandaj emphasize that hyperinflation combined with harsh judicial sentences severely limits capacity for broad social planning.

Section 3:

The Repression Machine: Overt Violence, Regime Impasse, and Exploitation of Crisis and War

This section dissects the multifaceted dimensions of naked repression, the militarization of public space, waves of arrests, death sentences, psychological torture, digital surveillance, and the state's exploitation of war conditions and crises to contain society. The joint analysis synthesized from these 10 women shows that a regime that has lost its legitimacy and capacity to rally society finds no recourse amidst complete political impasse other than escalating violence and intimidation. However, this scale of repression reflects not strength, but profound fear of a conscious, organized populace. While these pressures have drastically raised the costs of activism and driven society toward caution, they have failed to erase the demand for equality—instead deepening mistrust and accumulated rage beneath the surface of everyday life.

1. The Strategy of Overt Violence, Judicial Fabrications, and Mass Arrests (Narratives of Veteran Activists)

Veteran activists with histories of legal cases and repeated sentences describe the extent of security and judicial apparatus overreach:

● Annual Summonses, January 2026 (Dey 1404) Arrests, and Revolutionary Courts in Sanandaj:
A veteran teacher and civil activist in Sanandaj with repeated experiences of summons and detention describes persistent pressure on civil and union figures: "My personal experience over these past 4 years includes being summoned by intelligence services in Sanandaj every September—in 2023, 2024, and 2025—on the anniversary of the Zhina movement, forcing me each time to sign commitments not to attend gatherings. The regime has used a full spectrum of tools to contain the movement's legacy: arrests, imprisonment, executions, fabricated legal files, summonses, threats, pressure on families, and the securitization of social life."
She points to concrete examples of judicial repression and arrest waves in Sanandaj: "For instance, women's activists were arrested following the March 8, 2024 event, leading to hearings at the Sanandaj Revolutionary Court for civil, labor, and union activists on charges like 'propaganda against the Islamic Republic' and 'disrupting public order'—with some files citing participation in the funeral of a justice-seeking mother... January 2026 marked another major escalation. Surrounding the January protests, a wave of summonses and arrests targeted civil activists in Sanandaj... Dozens of civil figures and former political prisoners were detained, with reports documenting warrantless arrests and transfers to undisclosed locations."

● Governance Through Bodily Control and Death Sentences (Sanandaj):
A researcher and women's rights activist in Sanandaj defines state policy as "governance via bodily control, fear, and securitization," highlighting severe sentencing patterns: "State response moved from direct street crackdowns toward a combination of detentions, judicial fabrications, heavy sentences, executions, digital tracking, dress control, pressure on families, and restricting civil space... A shocking recent case involves Taraneh and Romina Rahimi, twin sisters arrested following the 2025/2026 protests. This case exemplifies the nexus of political repression, gender-based violence, torture, family intimidation, and harsh sentencing designed to impose a deterrent effect."

● Pressure on Families, Torture, and Summary Trials (Northern Province and Urmia):
A civil and political activist in a northern province details the layers of systemic retaliation: "From the initial days, the regime initiated mass arrests, live shootings, and blinding men and women in the streets... extending to street restrictions, merchant pressure, vehicle impoundments, and fines... Months of retaliation against young girls through chemical attacks on girls' schools, building court cases against artists—especially musicians and filmmakers—travel bans, imprisonment, executions, and expelling students and professors... Issuing countless death sentences through processes even more arbitrary and lawless than before, denying independent legal counsel, and extracting confessions under torture..."
A veteran political activist in Urmia highlights secondary pressures on families: "In Kurdistan, this pressure is particularly acute. A civil activist does not merely face direct action; often their family is targeted, communications restricted, or they are placed under constant surveillance."

2. Exploitation of War and Security Crises to Intensify Crackdowns

A primary insight from this section is how the regime leverages wartime emergency conditions to advance repressive domestic objectives:

● Blurring the Line Between "Foreign Enemy" and "Domestic Critic" (Sanandaj):
The Sanandaj researcher explains how emergency wartime conditions are weaponized: "War and security crises intentionally blur the distinction between a 'foreign enemy' and a 'domestic critic.' Under state-of-emergency conditions, the regime justifies extraordinary measures under the banner of national security... This became acutely evident during 2025/2026. During wartime, we observed inside Iran how security conditions were leveraged to escalate arrests, pressure civil society, conduct unfair trials, and suppress dissent."

● Waves of Executions and Post-War Crackdowns (Urmia and Central Province):
A veteran political activist in Urmia describes wartime dynamics: "During the war, beyond the terror of conflict, displacement, and survival, we faced state threats. Immediately following the conflict, widespread repression, heavy sentencing, and a surge in executions began that continues to this day."
A Kurdish journalist in a central province notes the criminalization of information sharing under the guise of war: "Following the 12-day war, the state criminalized protest and awareness campaigns under accusations of espionage or national security threats, imposing extreme penalties including executions, asset seizures, and lengthy prison terms. Additionally, by inciting male family members in the name of honor, they sought to enlist them in constraining women—contributing directly to a rise in femicides, so-called honor killings."

3. Evolving Tools: From Street Crackdowns to Digital, Administrative, and Psychological Intimidation (Narratives of New-Generation Women and Small Towns)

Women who entered activism post-2022 or reside in smaller cities illustrate how the state, thwarted on the streets, relies on administrative sanctions, digital targeting, and family intimidation:

● Digital Surveillance, Business Closures, and Vehicle Fines (Tehran and Urmia):
A young woman in Tehran states: "A primary objective of the state was forcing a return to mandatory hijab—not only through street officers, but heavily via digital surveillance. Online businesses run by women appearing without mandatory hijab on Instagram were shut down... Yet it failed to achieve its full intent due to fundamental shifts in social consciousness."
A women's rights activist in Urmia highlights arrests of online influencers: "Digital space clearly reflects this pressure... During recent wartime conditions, several female bloggers in Urmia were arrested, charged, and sentenced."

● Telephone Threats, Rumor Campaigns, and Intimidation in Small Towns (Baneh and Javanrud):
A young woman in Baneh reveals telephone harassment and family pressures: "The regime failed to erase the legacy of 'Woman, Life, Freedom' despite using every tactic. They pressure families—many parents still plead with daughters to cover their hair out of fear of arrest and abuse in custody. They spread terror to deter women from seeking rights. Threatening phone calls target individuals wearing Kurdish dress or conducting civil work to instill fear."
A woman from Javanrud characterizes state measures as corrupt and incapable of persuasion: "The regime cannot reconcile with this movement because it realizes that when women recognize their autonomy, there is no place left for corrupt structures exploiting religion... The regime resorts to any measure to suppress, knowing its lack of legitimacy."

● Continuous Threats in Ilam and Kermanshah:
A homemaker in Ilam notes: "The regime and misogynistic elements have driven this crackdown through arrests, threats, and fabricated files. Families of activists face intense pressure. While this forces caution, it has not erased people's core demands."
An injured protester from Kermanshah emphasizes: "Over the past 4 years, the state has spared no effort to crush the 'Woman, Life, Freedom' movement, yet it continually encounters greater courage and persistence from women and their families."

Section 4:

Societal Psychology at the Intersection of Poverty, War Threats, and Execution Waves

This section explores the collective psychology of a society plunged into a "survival mode, psychological burnout, and collective grief" under the combined weight of crushing inflation, the threat of war, state executions, and terror. However, the unified analysis of these women confirms that apparent fatigue and public quietude do not signal surrender, defeat of demands, or acceptance of the status quo. Instead, the demand for freedom has become deeply intertwined with economic justice and the right to a dignified life. Though exhausted, wounded, and cautious, society's quietness is not consent—it represents accumulated rage and embers beneath the ashes awaiting a spark for lasting structural change.

1. Livelihood Pressures and "Survival Mode": Linking Economic Demands to Women's Rights

The economic crisis and currency collapse have turned daily family life into a constant fight for survival. Women interpret these pressures through nuanced perspectives: while some note a temporary sidelining of activism, others emphasize how financial hardship lays bare the political origins of systemic poverty:

● Women as Primary Victims of Economic Crisis and the Care Burden (Sanandaj):
A researcher and women's rights activist in Sanandaj breaks down the unequal impact of poverty: "Economic crisis in an unequal society does not hit men and women equally. Women typically have lower income, less financial security, and bear heavier family caregiving loads. Poverty can increase women's economic dependency and reduce their power to make independent choices... Yet I do not believe economic pressure has erased women's demands; rather, those demands have evolved. Today, a woman's demand is not only dress autonomy or public presence, but employment, fair wages, financial stability, education, and the right to a dignified life. In other words, the demand for 'freedom' has bonded with the demand for 'social justice.'"
A veteran teacher and civil activist in Sanandaj notes: "The economy is no longer just about family meals—it has become an acute social and political issue. Inflation and job insecurity force families to expend most of their energy meeting basic needs... People today do not want political freedom in isolation; they demand a dignified life, economic stability, education, work, freedom, and human dignity all together."

● Living at the "Survival Threshold" and Exposing Political Roots of Poverty (Baneh and Northern Province):
A young woman in Baneh shares a grounded account of daily struggles: "Right now, even when both men and women work, they can barely cover basic household necessities—conditions across Iran are devastated... Has this financial strain caused women to abandon their demands? No. I can say with certainty that these circumstances have opened people's eyes further to see what has been done to them and why... My friends and I work from morning till night, yet at the end of the month we cannot afford even secondary basics like a pair of socks. These conditions force you to think about securing your child's future, preventing any rollback in core demands."
A civil activist in a northern province describes this as "survival mode": "The currency collapse, hyperinflation, and economic strain... have caused massive societal breakdowns on all fronts, driving suicides and femicides to record levels. Society has descended into survival mode, leaving visible movement activities seemingly frozen."

● Erosion of Women's Financial Autonomy (Central Province and Ilam):
A journalist in a central province highlights: "War threats, unemployment, and inflation have carried devastating consequences, with women among the first victims. Many women have lost jobs, weakening their financial and social independence... Consequently, daily survival has become the primary concern, temporarily marginalizing broader social liberation struggles."
A highly educated homemaker in Ilam adds: "The pressure has become overwhelming—no stable business remains, nor motivation. Inflation and joblessness have ruined livelihoods, leaving families scraping by on meager earnings... Everyone is exhausted, anxious, and deeply angry."

2. Societal Psychology: Collective Grief, Burnout, and Distinguishing Silence from Consent

An analysis of public sentiment reveals a painful, complex mix of grief, fear, fatigue, and an ultimate refusal to submit:

● Collective Grief from Protests, Repression, and the "Dahak" Image (Northern Province):
A civil and political activist links protest grief to war threats and crackdowns: "The tragedy of the massacres during the protests—where the vast majority killed were young people—plunged society into deep collective grief. This grief intersected with war threats, intensified security pressures, and extended internet blackouts... Executions conducted in rapid succession, sending multiple youths to the gallows daily, have etched the image of Dahak [the mythic tyrant] into public memory, provoking simultaneous grief and intense rage."

● Veteran Activists' Candidness on Fatigue and Despair (Urmia and Sanandaj):
A veteran political activist and former prisoner in Urmia speaks openly about societal fatigue: "What I see most today is exhaustion—fatigue from poverty, inflation, war anxiety, and the daily fear of a friend or colleague being arrested... Following the executions and arrests, fear extends beyond prison to fear for the future itself. I see people around me who once spoke boldly now choosing silence to protect themselves and their families. This is the bitterest change. Rage remains, but hope for rapid transformation has largely dissipated. Many no longer ask 'When will we change?' but rather 'How do we simply survive?'... I won't speak of an optimistic timeline that I do not personally feel right now."
However, the Sanandaj researcher emphasizes that fatigue must not be confused with consent: "Society is tired, but not indifferent. Fear exists, but fear does not mean acceptance. Rage exists, though it has not yet consolidated into sustained collective action. And hope exists—not a naive hope, but one that is cautious, wounded, and aware."

● Separating "Harder Living Conditions" from "Abandoning Demands" (Urmia):
A women's rights activist in Urmia formulates today's social contradiction: "What I observe in society is a clear distinction between 'life becoming harder' and 'backing down from social demands.' People may be more exhausted and discouraged due to economic pressures, but that fatigue does not mean forgetting their goals. The truest picture of society today is this paradox: a populace more exhausted, poorer, and more despondent than before, yet one that has not abandoned its core demands."

3. The Shadow of War and Execution Waves: Public Intimidation vs. Persistence

State terror, accelerated execution sentences, and war threats have generated dual effects: heightening caution while simultaneously deepening underlying anger:

● Channeling Execution Fear into Drive and Resistance (Baneh and Kermanshah):
A young woman in Baneh active post-2022 notes: "The environment of executions and terror... works differently now compared to years past. Previously, executions spread pure intimidation; today, many internalize that rage into a resolve that something must be done."
An injured protester in Kermanshah emphasizes: "Current conditions, alongside inner grief, anger, and fear, have sustained a quiet courage and persistence in people's struggle."

● Anxiety for the Future and the Disregard for Human Life (Javanrud and Central Province):
A woman from Javanrud writes: "Iran has carried out executions for years, showing zero value for human life. The regime cares only about self-preservation, not building a future... There is fear that decisions will once again strip away our future, but under current conditions, stepping back is not the plan—people are waiting for a spark to return to the streets."
A journalist in a central province adds: "Society is grappling with despair, anger, and an uncertain future. Many anxiously await clarity around war conditions, while mass killings and executions have heightened fear of renewed protests. Nevertheless, this state is unsustainable in the long run."

4. The Nature of Hope Today: Embers Beneath the Ashes and Waiting for a Spark

The final assessments of these 10 respondents show that hope has evolved from emotional fervor into a grounded, watchful state:

● Accumulated Discontent and Embers Beneath the Ashes: An activist in a central province notes that public rage is a volcano beneath the surface capable of erupting with any spark.

● Latent Readiness for Social Explosion: Civil activists in Urmia and Ilam stress that public patience has limits, and accumulated grievances have reached a point where a minor trigger could drive people back into public spaces.

● Grounded, Conscious Hope: A young woman from Baneh concludes: "The conditions are painful and people hold immense rage inside; society needs a spark... People still hold a clear vision that these dark days will end, and they have not given up."

Section 5:

The Roadmap: Responsibilities, Smart Internal Resistance, and Non-Paternalistic External Support

Exploring the final strategic dimension of the questionnaire, this section charts a clear roadmap for sustaining the struggle. It defines the primary responsibility of women inside the country as "persisting in daily civil disobedience, fostering intergenerational awareness, organizing in small and secure micro-cells, and intertwining livelihood demands with equal rights." The synthesis of these 10 women delivers an explicit warning to the diaspora and the international community: the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement has not ended, but has instead embedded itself deeply within the fabric of society. Inside activists currently navigating "survival mode" require infrastructural backing and material support, not political paternalism or armchair management from abroad. Any attempt by totalitarian factions to hijack the movement or impose figures from the outside is rejected. Concurrently, the international community must move beyond performative statements toward imposing tangible political costs on the regime. Ultimately, the future of the struggle in Kurdistan and Iran rests on linking everyday survival needs to women's liberation, alongside party unity rooted in pluralism.

1. Responsibilities of Civil Society and Internal Activists: Preserving Historical Memory, Education, and Capillary Resistance

Activists inside Iran emphasize that under current dictatorial conditions, their main duty is keeping collective memory alive, providing civic education, documenting state violence, and maintaining secure communication networks:

● Documenting Narratives and Linking Livelihood Demands to Women's Rights (Sanandaj):
A veteran teacher and civil activist in Sanandaj identifies safeguarding public consciousness as the primary internal responsibility: "In my view, civil society's greatest responsibility inside the country right now is preserving connection, historical memory, and society's voice. Mass gatherings may be restricted, but we can document narratives, record gender-based violence and state repression, amplify the voices of seeking-justice families and victims, and ensure they are never forgotten... Furthermore, we must bridge diverse demands: women's rights, labor rights, teachers, students, seeking-justice families, mother-tongue education, and the fundamental right to a safe, dignified life."
The Sanandaj researcher lays out 6 critical priorities: "First, shifting from short-term projects toward building long-term civil society capacity. Second, ensuring genuine decision-making roles for women and local communities. Third, continuing to document human rights violations and gender violence. Fourth, framing support for families of prisoners, executed individuals, and victims as an independent human rights issue. Fifth, linking women's rights to economic justice, employment, education, and social security. Sixth, applying a human rights and self-determination framework to communities living under war threats."

● Covert Activism Against State Censorship and Repressive Isolation (Northern Province):
A civil and political activist in a northern province describes viable modes of internal action: "Civil society inside can currently only operate covertly, sharing outcomes anonymously with external networks for publication—much like our participation in this questionnaire. Though such work carries immense risk for activists under constant surveillance, it represents a absolute baseline; without it, the severe depression brought on by censorship and suffocation would be overwhelming."

● Continuous Education and Raising Consciousness in Small Towns (Baneh and Ilam):
A young woman in Baneh notes: "As an activist, my effort focuses on educating individuals so they understand their rights... We must be trained as civil educators to consistently inspire others to join this path every year... Inside Iran, instead of amplifying terror, we need educators."
A homemaker in Ilam stresses mutual support: "The most crucial element is standing by one another. Those inside are doing everything possible despite intense pressure... It is essential to set aside divisions and build stronger cooperation."

2. Candid Critique and Direct Expectations of the Diaspora: Rejecting "Armchair Activism" and Exposing Hijackers

One of the most explicit sections of the responses features direct warnings from women inside Iran to external political figures and opportunistic groups:

●  Rejecting Armchair Activism and Political Opportunism (Sanandaj):
A veteran teacher in Sanandaj states bluntly: "Civil society abroad must serve as an amplifier for the inside, not its replacement, while refraining from armchair activism and remote management. Our expectation is for them to listen to authentic local narratives and avoid converting society's demands into personal political projects."

● Rejecting External Paternalism, Exposing Monarchists, and Opposing Imposed Leadership (Urmia):
A veteran political activist and former political prisoner in Urmia issues a direct warning: "What must change today is how we engage with one another, alongside exposing opportunistic and repressive elements like monarchists who seek to hijack the movement; they must be called out. Those inside should never feel remembered only during active street protests, nor should those abroad assume they can impose figures like Pahlavi on us!... I do not expect external figures to decide or speak on our behalf; I expect them not to distort the voices of women inside, but to document the reality of repression, executions, and economic hardship."

● Understanding Internal Realities, Security Caution, and Material Support (Northern Province):
The northern province activist highlights financial and security imperatives: "First, external allies must fully grasp the realities facing internal activists and align their expectations accordingly. Second, they must exercise maximum caution when communicating to avoid compromising internal safety. One of the most vital forms of support for ongoing work is financial aid. Under severe economic hardship, internal activists face dual pressures: emotional strain from financial distress and exhaustive work schedules that leave little room for activism... Diaspora activists should channel financial support through established organizations using secure avenues, as any security leak risks death sentences."

3. Demands from Human Rights Organizations and the International Community: Moving Beyond Performative Statements

Respondents call for concrete, high-cost international measures targeting the regime:

● Imposing Real Political Costs and Supporting Independent Media/Culture (Northern Province and Urmia):
The northern province activist requests support for independent civil production and international political pressure: "We expect human rights bodies and the international community to provide necessary financial support for independent films, music, and books under these strict security conditions. In cases of arrest, robust media campaigns and international advocacy are essential... Pressuring foreign governments to restrict economic, political, and military ties with this regime is vital."
The Urmia activist adds: "The international community must move beyond generic statements to impose actual legal and political costs for arrests, executions, gender repression, and conditions in Kurdistan. After years of activism and prison experience, I no longer rely on grand promises; yet I believe that if anything is to endure, it must be built on real, compact, secure, and continuous solidarity networks."

● Human Rights Diplomacy and Western Advocacy (Central Province):
A journalist in a central province emphasizes: "Human rights groups and diaspora figures should directly engage Western policymakers, outline conditions inside Iran—particularly regarding women—and coordinate closely with European governments to drive effective human rights sanctions and pressure."

4. The Kurdish Dimension: Party Unity, Countering Militarization, and the Role of Kurdish Women

A significant focus centers on the future of Kurdistan, the necessity of political party cohesion, and embedding gender equality:

● Unity Among Kurdish Parties Abroad and Its Reflection Internally (Northern Province and Urmia):
An activist in a northern province underscores unconditional unity: "Maintaining unity among Kurdish parties, organizations, and intellectuals abroad is of paramount importance to us. Unity, unity, and unity... accepting differences while focusing on common ground, and transferring this spirit directly into Iranian Kurdistan. Elevating the role of women in the struggle inside and outside Eastern Kurdistan, forming specialized working groups for immediate and future challenges facing women, and preparing future family laws represent essential steps."
The Urmia activist adds: "All Kurdish parties and factions must distance themselves from internal divisions, friction, and self-interest to concentrate on a unified goal... Otherwise, internal disputes risk becoming a major hurdle to societal progress."

● Drawing Inspiration from Rojava Women and Institutionalizing Equality (Javanrud and Baneh):
A young protester from Javanrud writes: "We witnessed the resilience of Rojava's women—why shouldn't we serve as symbols of endurance ourselves?... Women in my land require support and recognition so we can proceed with a clear, strategic plan... Empty-handed activism alone leads to further imprisonment and loss of life; we require cooperation from diaspora activists to ensure our voice reaches the global stage."
A young woman from Baneh expresses hope: "I hope political parties return soon and bring meaningful change... A single spark remains the catalyst, and as a woman I hold identity-based demands to exercise our right to self-determination."

Compiled by: Awin Mostafazadeh